Facts are rhetoric now?
A statement that something you disagree with is "propaganda", especially without providing the slightest reason why anyone should believe this, is not a fact. It is a rhetorical device. Not even a particularly well-employed one.
Now you're using rhetoric of your own, but rhetoric without a foundation of truth is deceit. Go back and search the thread. Nowhere in this thread have I claimed that anything I disagree with is propaganda; the one who claimed that is Aesaar in
this post. The only time I even
mentioned the term was in
this post when I responded to Mongoose's comment about the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
History is ignorance?
The only history you have offered is deeply ignorant, c.f. MP-Ryan, The_E, even Bob for chrissakes!, supra; well constructed, well reasoned postings to which your response has been "no I'm right" and occasional arguments from what is at best irrelevant authority.
I cited numerous articles, numerous writers, and numerous facts and figures in support of my arguments. If your summary of the thousands of words I've written in this thread is a simple "I'm right" then I appreciate your endorsement of my conclusions.
Disagreeing with someone is dragging down the quality of discussion?
It's not that you disagree with someone.
It's that you are blatantly doing so in bad faith. Your participation in this thread has been entirely negative because you have employed bad-faith argumentation strategies in every post. Consider the following:
When MP-Ryan dismisses a source you link to, he does so by pointing out why it is not a trustworthy source; what particular axes it has to grind and its lack of qualifications to discuss the issue and how it diverges from the consensus view of other sources that actually are qualified to be discussing the issue.
When you dismiss a source, you merely state that it is "propaganda" and ignore it.'
Feel free to try to point out where I dismissed a source as propaganda. You can't do it because it didn't happen.
But that difference is absolutely crucial when it comes to determining which brand of collectivism a nation operates under.
Again: Fascism by itself has economic goals, but no preset way to achieve them, leaving the mechanisms of achieving them open to interpretation. Hitler himself described national socialism as a synthesis of what he believed the best options from among the various positions on the political spectrum were; as a result, he initially chose positions from the communist party's program to fill out things in the NSDAP's party program.
Nazi Germany must be called collectivist. But calling it socialist is simply wrong, as far as modern political science goes.
I freely acknowledged that Nazi Germany was fascist in response to your previous argument. But it was also socialist -- the two are not mutually exclusive. I don't see how calling it socialist is "simply wrong" unless you have another "characteristic feature of socialism" in mind.
I mean, this argument is very straightforward:
A) "The characteristic feature of socialism is not equality of income but the all-round control of business activities by the government, the government's exclusive power to use all means of production."
B) Nazi Germany demonstrated this feature.
C) Therefore, Nazi Germany can be correctly characterized as socialist.
Yes. The Nazi regime was an expression of extreme social conservatism and extreme nationalism; both positions that are hallmarks of modern political conservatism. Looking at the US, the conservative movement has undergone a degree of radicalization resulting in the Tea Party and Trump movements. The Trump movement in particular has an eery resemblance to the early NSDAP; it is very big on generalizations, demonization of its opponents, demonization of outsiders, a collectivist sense of being part of a nation, vague promises of greatness to be achieved in the future, an utter disregard for facts and a mastery over the media environment.
So, just like soviet-style vanguardism is an extreme expression of modern liberal ideas, fascism (and national socialism) are extreme expressions of modern conservative ideas.
But the economic axis is different from the social axis. It's possible to be economically socialist while socially conservative. And it's possible to be economically laissez-faire while socially liberal.
The aspects of the Trump movement you cited are interesting comparisons, but they are tactics, not ideals or positions. The
positions are outlined on Trump's website.
What do you consider a "real attempt"? Women's suffrage was enacted only three years after Mussolini took power. The Labour Charter was passed within five years.
And women's suffrage was rendered meaningless by the abolishment of democratic principles in 1925 and 26, and after 1926, Italy became one nation effectively under corporatist rule. Labour unions were dismantled, and labour representation became irrelevant.
By the time Mussolini started to actually do communist things, it was February 12th, 1944, after the Allies had already captured Rome and Italy became a german puppet.
Very well. So then, what is your conclusion - that because only a few of those Fascist Manifesto planks were implemented, that Mussolini didn't really intend to follow it? Or that the Fascists didn't really believe what they wrote?
Just FYI, you're arguing against the majority position of historians on this subject.
Again: Most of the socialist policies in the NSDAP party program never made it into law, and if they did, they were a tool to disown non-germanic people.
I'm not surprised the majority of historians take the opposite view, as it has been the prevailing consensus for around 70 years. But just because a majority holds a certain view doesn't necessarily make it correct. Most historians once believed that the city of Troy was mythological.
I don't find it very concerning at all, because there is an almost zero chance he'd be able to do anything about the First Amendment. Any proposed change would first have to pass Congress and then have to be ratified by 3/4ths of the several states. I doubt he'd spend all of his political capital on such a trivial issue. He's smarter than that.
Are you really, absolutely certain of that?
I'm not "absolutely certain", but I think it is highly unlikely. His first political priority will almost surely be building the wall. Other top priorities will be the economy, the national infrastructure, and ISIS. He might make noises about libel laws but I don't think he'll propose any substantial changes.
Also, this is weird: Trump is campaigning on a platform based around being someone not beholden to the political elites. He has positioned himself as someone who is "not a politician", as someone who is strong enough to break up the lock those same elites have on US politics. He's also making statements that are not reconcilable with a traditional interpretation of the constitution, and yet, you believe these statements won't matter because the elites he is campaigning against and that he says he will beat won't let them pass into law?
No, because it would require a tremendous amount of political capital for a trivial amount of gain. Trump is a dealmaker. He wouldn't take that deal.
And yes, this.
In addition to the fact that I haven't dismissed any sources as propaganda, I've been arguing in good faith (as have you and MP-Ryan). We're having a rational exchange of ideas. This is distinct from someone like Phantom Hoover who comes in just to take potshots, or someone like NGTM-1R who comes in just to heap contempt and condescension.
"Employment types shift over time regardless?" That only happens when new employees join the workforce. The existing employees are out of luck.
Employment types absolutely shift over time. The economy of the US today is not the same as the economy of the US circa 1950.
Yes, and the reason that happened is because over time, certain types of jobs became obsolete and certain types of jobs were invented. But that happens over generations, and usually because old workers retire and new workers take their place. That's a distinctly different phenomenon than a factory worker starting a new career path because his factory moved out of the US.
Trump essentially believes he can return the US to the economy of 1950, which simply is not possible. For one, it's always going to be cheaper to manufacture many things in other countries. For two, the US is now a service and tech-based economy. For three, any enactment of tarrifs to force manufacturing to return to the US would render the cost of the raw materials - which you generally do not make yourselves - astronomically expensive and harm the economy overall; wages will not keep up with the cost of goods. Trump either doesn't realize this, in which case he's stupid, or does realize this, in which case he's a liar.
I lack the time to look up a refutation right now so I'll just let this stand, with a few brief comments -- 1) with trade tariffs, this would not be the case; 2) many things
are still manufactured in the US, and in any case diversifying the economy is a good thing; 3) the downside of higher costs will be offset by the upside of higher employment, and a new equilibrium will be reached. Also, there are intangible benefits to bringing manufacturing back into the US that are not included in an economic analysis.
You've presented two snipped statistics with no analysis. I've pulled two analysis pieces that at least attempt an objective, multi-sided look at the issue. The "analysis" piece you pulled is from a political operative/journalist who writes an op-ed with a one-sided thesis and makes no attempt to actually contemplate or review alternative positions. That is why it is a puff piece. Op-eds are opinion pieces designed to persuade an audience; they are not a reliable source of data because they [intentionally] do not do a multi-sided analysis. Buchanan's piece begins with the assumption that his premise is correct.
Any piece written by a human author is going to reflect the biases of that author. This is true of both one-sided and multi-sided analyses. Op-eds are more obvious about it, but even the CFR article was working toward a particular conclusion. You can't say that the CFR article is "more correct" because it presents both sides of the issue.
No, as above, I dismissed the two pieces you provided - by Buchanan and David Ramsay Steele - for the following reasons. These are essential elements of any source selection:
- The authors begin from a premise. They are opinion pieces; in both cases, where facts are presented they are done so only to support that opinion. In other words, the writers don't begin with data and reach a conclusion; they begin with a conclusion and select/interpret their data for it.
- The authors do not perform multi-sided analysis.
- Despite lacking multi-sided analysis, their theses directly contradict established research in the areas in which they opine.
- The authors lack credentials in the field in which they are opining.
- The work is not peer-review (this is true of both the sources I selected, however, and is not an absolute requirement, it is simply problematic due to the first three factors they cited).
There is nothing wrong with writing an op-ed. Our posts are essentially op-eds; we pick and choose sourcing to bolster our arguments. The difference is, you cannot source one op-ed based on another.
For both the economics-related sources I've pulled, I've selected sources that present available data and attempt an objective, multi-sided analysis of it (the CFR piece is the better of the two in this regard). So yes, I'm dismissing your sources, but I'm doing so not by means of argumentative fallacy, but in light of actual reasons why they are bad sources. If I'm guilty of anything, it's failure to explain the above analysis when I dismissed them.
Instead of railing about fallacies that I'm not committing, your time would be better served by trying to find credible, [at least moderately] objective sourcing from reputable persons or organizations qualified in their fields to present that information.
The elements you listed are useful ways to evaluate the credibility, or lack thereof, of a source. And the credibility of a source provides an indicator of how likely it is to be true or false. But it is not definitive. An article stands or falls based on the facts and figures it contains, not the person who wrote it.
Remember when said "by your standards, I should disregard the Newsweek article", and how absurd you thought that was? That was me showing you the logical fallacy from the other direction. Dismissing sources on their basis of their credibility, and not on the basis of their content, is the problem.
A related problem is that adhering to the prevailing consensus is often a requirement for establishing credibility in a particular field. This leads to a circular argument: articles and research that challenge the prevailing consensus should be dismissed because they are not credible; and they are deemed not credible because they challenge the prevailing consensus.
The reason I'm focusing on the logical fallacy rather than finding additional sources is that any sources which support my position are by definition going to contradict established research, and that's one of your criteria for judging a source credible or not. There isn't really any point in me finding another source if it's just going to be returned unread.
Did you read the David Ramsay Steele article, by the way? Far from being an op-ed, that article attempts to present an objective assessment of Fascism and its origins. I'd like to see you (or The E) attempt to address its points rather than dismissing the article outright.
This is where Canada and the US may differ. In Canada, in addition to the evaluation of the evidence, here's how Crown Prosecutors review the decision to prosecute: http://www.ppsc-sppc.gc.ca/eng/pub/fpsd-sfpg/fps-sfp/tpd/p2/ch03.html In the US, this appears to be the equivalent guidance for federal prosecutions: https://www.justice.gov/usam/usam-9-27000-principles-federal-prosecution
Anecdotally, people like [former federal prosecutor] Ken White (popehat.com) have commented that federal prosecutors don't generally take cases lightly as they have limited resources and proceed with a relative few prosecutions compared to their state counterparts; as such, only cases in which the evidence is clear, the prospect of conviction is good, and the public interest is high end up prosecuted.
Okay, this makes sense.
I'll repeat what I said earlier: You're assuming the premise of your own argument. If Trump's policies do not prompt recession, the syllogism fails.
And you're then doing the opposite. In spite of the not-inconsiderable analysis by reputable economists, you're assuming that Trump's economic promises are going to do exactly what Trump says.
No, although I probably didn't make that clear. I'm not certain that his economic policies will be as successful as he claims. But I have read strong arguments against many of the commonly cited objections to his policies, so I will reserve judgement until they are implemented and we see what the effects are. One such objection - the emphasis on free trade - has been pretty persuasively debunked. I used to be in favor of free trade; I no longer am.
This is an odd statement. You're willing to elect a leader who has flatly questioned the value of the First Amendment protections on the basis that its unlikely he can actually do anything to it? By this argument, people who oppose firearms regulation obviously shouldn't care if a Presidential candidate supports it either. Which is somewhat amusing, considering a regular argument against Clinton is "she's gunna take mah guns!"
The difference here is that there are a number of obstacles one has to surmount before exercising one's Second Amendment rights: passing a background check, possibly obtaining a license depending on the jurisdiction, and then observing the numerous rules and regulations such as not carrying into a post office or into a school zone, etc. It would be easy to further curtail one's Second Amendment rights by passing further rules and regulations, while leaving the amendment itself untouched. There are far fewer restrictions on the First Amendment.